National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2027

The House debated amendments to the National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2027. Members offered amendments on a range of topics: Keith Self’s chaplain religious freedom amendment drew opposition from Chrissy Houlahan, who said chaplains must serve all service members; Darrell Issa proposed a security clearance program for private investors funding small defense tech firms, which Sean Casten opposed as too broad; Ashley Hinson proposed barring nationals of adversarial countries from nonpublic areas of national labs, which Bill Foster said was unnecessary given existing vetting; and Pat Harrigan proposed banning automated speed cameras on military bases, opposed by Gilbert Cisneros who cited base traffic safety. Other amendments covered a B-52 crash report and base studies, clinical trials of ibogaine for veterans, a Medal of Honor recommendation for a Vietnam veteran, an Arkansas National Guard land swap, a GAO review of cyber threat information sharing, a five-year extension of the Defense Production Act, and continued military partnership with Scouting America. Many amendments were presented without recorded opposition.Written by AI from the debate. Updated .

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36 statements

Keith Self, TX

Republican

Linked statement

“I want the House to add my amendment to this defense bill. It protects the religious freedom of military chaplains so they can serve troops without fear of punishment. It also punishes anyone who retaliates against chaplains for following their faith.”
Official Congressional Record

Mr. Chair, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Chair, I rise today in support of my amendment, which would attach the Military Chaplains Modernization Act of 2026 to the NDAA. It is supported by the Armed Forces Chaplains Board. This is not simply a chaplain protection bill. This is a military readiness, religious liberty, and command support bill. This bill builds upon the truth that has been affirmed by the Supreme Court that the First Amendment rights of our military chaplains are not suspended at the doors of the Pentagon. Our chaplains serve on the front lines, providing for the moral and spiritual well-being of our troops. The Department of War needs statutory clarity. Despite existing protections in the First Amendment, the Religious Freedom Restoration Act, RFRA, and section 533 of the FY 2013 NDAA, chaplains continue to face obstacles for simply ministering according to their faith. These sections in title 10 were last updated in 1956 when polls showed that 90 percent of America identified as Christian. The United States is far more religiously diverse now. This is why the Religious Freedom Restoration Act unanimously passed to protect religious freedom, and mainly religious minorities, in 1993. It is high time that title 10 was revised to reflect the diverse faith needs of our servicemembers, while also providing protections for the diverse chaplains that serve them. The chaplain’s ability to freely exercise their religious duties is not only constitutionally protected but is essential to forming the conscience of the warfighter. It is what helps restrain the soldier from committing atrocities while also providing a sense of purpose when facing down death’s door. Faith plays an essential role in forming and feeding the spirit of warfighters with unwavering integrity. This legislation does not create new rights. It simply codifies existing practices and protections across all service branches, which will ensure consistency for military chaplains of all faiths. It also recognizes the breadth of chaplains’ roles. They are not just religious officiants. They are the commanders’ adviser on ethics, spiritual readiness, morale, and even suicide prevention. This does not mean they replace other entities which provide advice or function. Rather, it ensures that chaplains, as spiritual advisers, are given a seat at the table. Let me be clear: This amendment does not empower chaplains to impose a particular belief. Instead, it protects them from violations of conscience and ensures they can facilitate spiritual care for all faiths. In fact, the amendment also protects servicemembers’ ability to access the spiritual care specific to their needs and faith tradition. Chaplains will continue to connect servicemembers of differing faiths to chaplains representing their respective faiths and equip them with tools to meet their specific needs. This bill respects and maintains the pluralistic approach of the military chaplaincy program. It also introduces real accountability under the Uniform Code of Military Justice for retaliation or censorship of a chaplain for acting according to their beliefs. This standard is essential to restoring trust. In 1942, President Franklin D. Roosevelt acknowledged the importance of the chaplaincy by vowing to never fail to provide for the spiritual needs of our officers and men. Mr. Chair, in order for military chaplains to serve our troops effectively, we must give them the legal protection to do so without fear or compromise. Mr. Chair, I urge my colleagues to support the inclusion of the Military Chaplains Modernization Act in the NDAA, and I reserve the balance of my time.

Chrissy Houlahan, PA

Democrat
“I want the House to vote against this amendment. Military chaplains must care for all service members, no matter their religion. This amendment lets chaplains turn some service members away, which hurts our troops and weakens the military.”
Official Congressional Record

Mr. Chair, military readiness is not just physical. It is, indeed, mental. It is emotional. It is financial, and it is spiritual. That is why every branch of our Armed Forces maintains a Chaplain Corps. Our chaplains are indispensable. They are counselors, advisers, and trusted members of the units and the families they serve. They strengthen the resilience of our force every single day, but chaplains are also servicemembers themselves. They have assigned duties and responsibilities. Among those responsibilities are two sacred obligations. One is to faithfully practice their own religion and to faithfully protect every servicemembers’ right to practice theirs. A chaplain’s faith belongs to their religion, but their duty belongs to every servicemember. That is how the Chaplain Corps serves the entire force without ever asking a chaplain to violate the tenets of their own faith. A Catholic priest, a Presbyterian minister, or a Jewish rabbi is not expected to lead a Muslim prayer, but they are expected to ensure their Muslim servicemembers have a place to worship and help them identify a lay leader if one is, in fact, needed. That principle has guided our military for generations because it protects every servicemember and because it respects every faith and even those who have none. This amendment abandons that principle. It doesn’t strengthen the religious liberty. It, indeed, narrows it. It transforms a chaplain’s duty to care for every single servicemember into permission to turn some of them away. Under this amendment, a commanding officer who expects a chaplain to carry out that longstanding responsibility could face punishment under the Uniform Code of Military Justice. That is, in fact, a profound departure from how our military has always understood religious liberty. The military asks Americans of every faith and those of no faith to serve shoulder to shoulder with one another. Our Chaplain Corps exists to ensure that every one of those servicemembers can freely exercise their beliefs. This amendment weakens that mission. It weakens the trust that holds military units together and ultimately it, therefore, weakens the force itself. Mr. Chair, I urge my colleagues to oppose this amendment, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Keith Self, TX

Republican
“I do not understand why Democrats oppose my amendment. Military chaplains will still help service members connect with leaders of their own religions, including the 31 faiths the military recognizes.”
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Official Congressional Record

Mr. Chair, I am not sure, other than the statements against this amendment, what the opposition my colleagues on the other side of the aisle have from what I said. I failed to hear exactly what their opposition is, other than their statements of opposition to the amendment itself. Again, I say, chaplains will continue to connect servicemembers of differing faiths to chaplains representing their respective faiths and equip them with tools to meet their specific needs. There are now 31 faiths recognized by the Department of War, to include Muslims, Jews, Bahai, Sikh, agnostics, and I could go on. Again, I fail to understand the difference between what my colleague said in specifics with what I said. Mr. Chair, I yield back the balance of my time.

Darrell Issa, CA

Republican
“I support this amendment. It creates a test program that lets some private investors get security clearances so they can fund small tech companies making secret military tools. This will help smaller companies build affordable gear like drones for our military.”
Official Congressional Record

Mr. Chair, I rise in support of this amendment. We are in changing times. The ongoing battles, both in Iran and in Ukraine, have taught us an important lesson. That is that large, long- term vendors for production of innovative tools don’t work together. The lead time is too long. The requirement for us to innovate at the Department of War simply isn’t working. We need to have small, innovative companies to be able to come forward and be given small allotments in order to develop. However, those allotments are seldom sufficient to operate a company for 1, 2, or 3 years to develop and get a contract going. For that reason, like other startups of all sorts, particularly in the technology field in America, they would normally go to private funding, go to venture firms. But there is a problem. If what you are producing for the Department of War or any other part of our government is classified, you have to say: I have a new product. I can’t tell you about it. Trust me and invest. That simply doesn’t work. More importantly, the requirements from within the government often are not available to the investor. Therefore, it is difficult to get. My amendment deals with this serious problem in a predictable and controlled way. Our 5-year pilot program simply says that with the permission of the Department of War, individuals within qualified investment firms may receive or update their clearances so that they can be part of the investment decision. It does not preclude their being excluded for any reason, including-- and I particularly want to note this--companies which have a foreign investment profile would have to disclose and may very well be excluded. However, the American investment community with American funds is more than sufficient to find, seek out, and invest in innovative companies that can give us a low-cost antidrone product or a low-cost drone, or any other number of critically needed and affordable products. For that reason, we are asking that the Department of War under this pilot program be empowered to allow for these nonoriginal participants to have, on a limited basis, with controls completely in the hands of the Secretary of War and while he retains full authority to revoke participation for any security violation, foreign ownership, control, influence, or any other concern. With that, I reserve the balance of my time.

Sean Casten, IL

Democrat
“I oppose this amendment. It lets the Secretary of Defense give top-secret clearances to investors without a clear reason or contract. I believe people in the Trump administration will use these secrets to help their friends and family make money in the stock market.”
Official Congressional Record

Mr. Speaker, I rise in opposition to this amendment. This amendment would give the Secretary of Defense sweeping discretion to grant the highest level of security clearances to an unlimited number of investment professionals without any contract, mission, or defined purpose. Now, the theory, as we just heard, is that these investors would then conduct due diligence and steer Federal resources toward companies that can support our national defense. In practice, this would turn our national secrets into another way for the Trump White House to monetize their jobs, putting their friends’ wealth over the national interest. Now, lest anybody accuse me of making a partisan point, let’s review some recent history, tying specifically to the individuals in the Trump administration who would be making decisions about how to share our national secrets. In the weeks leading up to President Trump’s military strikes on Iran, reports found that Secretary Hegseth’s broker inquired about a multimillion dollar investment in major defense companies. Earlier this year, President Trump’s own leadership PAC sent fundraising emails that offered his donors access to national security debriefings on threats, border security, and foreign adversaries. Don Trump, Jr.’s venture capital firm has invested in more than a dozen defense tech companies. Subsequent to his investment, those companies secured $3.2 billion in direct government business and $3.1 billion in additional future contract options. In one case, the White House directly pressured the Department of Defense to provide $620 million in financing to one of young Donald’s portfolio companies. Speaking of the children, the Trump administration recently approved $1.6 billion in Federal financing for a small U.S. company to lead a major mining project in Kazakhstan. That company is not only partially owned by Donald Trump’s children, but the deal was negotiated by Secretary of Commerce Lutnick’s children. Hell, even Donald Trump’s teleprompter operator is in on the action, having just made $100,000 by betting on Trump’s speeches that only he had seen on prediction markets. Of course, just this past week, Trump Media announced plans to sell early access to the President’s market-moving Truth Social posts so that Trump can make money while you front-run the stock market. To be sure, Mr. Issa’s amendment does specifically say that no investor may use classified information for personal financial gain. But I would ask you: Who in the Trump White House is going to enforce that provision? Trump? Lutnick? His personal lawyer, Todd Blanche? I think we know better. What we have here is an amendment to provide investment professionals with both the means and the motive to engage in insider trading, to help the rich get richer, and to compromise the integrity of U.S. financial markets. The question that we have right now in this amendment is a really simple one: What do you stand for? If you stand for corruption, vote ``yes’’. But if you stand for national security, for integrity, and for capitalism, vote ``no’’. That may be a character test for some in this Chamber, but it is not a remotely close call. Mr. Chair, I reserve the balance of my time.

Darrell Issa, CA

Republican
“I want the House to pass my amendment. It stops the government from secretly giving classified information to big companies. It requires yearly reports to Congress, lasts for five years, and helps small private companies find investors while still following strict security rules.”
Official Congressional Record

Mr. Chairman, in closing, I will be brief. I am not going to address the items that were said by the opposition because they don’t go to the safeguards in this piece of legislation. Without this amendment, there is nothing to stop the administration from providing, without specific requirements to disclose, classifications to any and all individuals, particularly individuals that are, quite frankly, within companies either doing or wanting to do business with the Federal Government. It doesn’t stop the large companies from having unlimited access to programs that may not be widely understood. As a result, they get an advantage of bidding on something no one knows about. Instead, what it requires is annual reporting, including to this body, to Congress, to ensure that we can monitor this program. It sunsets. It is not for this administration, but for a 5-year period. Most importantly, it is extremely limited to private equity investing, by definition in private companies. No part of public companies are affected here, just the opposite. This is an opportunity for private companies to find investors who can only invest if they have a reasonable knowledge of what the product is asked to be and nothing more, and every one of them must still pass the same rigorous application and retention policy for whatever level of clearance is required. Mr. Chairman, I would hope that these words would help the other side understand that, in fact, Congress gains more control over many of the things being complained about by passing this amendment than by not. Mr. Chair, I urge support for my amendment, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Ashley Hinson, IA

Republican
“I want to ban citizens of adversarial countries from entering private areas of our national labs. Countries like China use these visits to steal our technology and research on artificial intelligence and advanced computing. This change will protect our scientific discoveries and our national security.”
Official Congressional Record

Mr. Chair, this amendment would prohibit foreign nationals from designated countries of concern from accessing nonpublic areas of any national laboratory. This straightforward measure would protect the integrity of America’s national labs and the sensitive research that underpins our national security. For years, we know that the Chinese Communist Party has executed sweeping, coordinated campaigns to acquire American tech and innovation by any means necessary. Last month, Mr. David Shedd, the former Acting Director of Defense Intelligence Agency, said: Efforts blending cyber espionage, human intelligence, academic collaboration, and commercial investments have fueled China’s rapid military and economic rise. This should concern all of us. Congress passed a law 2 years ago which prohibited foreign nationals from China, Russia, Iran, and North Korea from accessing our weapons labs. This was an important first step, but now we must address the same vulnerabilities in our science labs. These are labs where sensitive but unclassified work on artificial intelligence, quantum technologies, and advanced computing are performed. These are the very labs that the President has tasked with executing the Genesis Mission, a modern-day Manhattan Project, to ensure that the United States wins the race for AI dominance. Yet, at the same time, we are allowing thousands of nontraditional intelligence collectors from our competitors and greatest adversaries to operate inside of these facilities. We know China’s playbook. The CCP will weaponize any expertise it gains militarily, commercially, or economically. Our adversaries are running sophisticated espionage campaigns while we are rolling out the red carpet for thousands of these foreign nationals from proven countries of concern. This is a direct threat to our national security. Mr. Chair, this amendment simply closes a known vulnerability. It prohibits foreign nationals from countries of concern from accessing any nonpublic area of a national laboratory that receives Defense funding. Building on those actions taken 2 years ago, this amendment protects the Genesis project and mission and ensures that America, not our adversaries, will reap the benefits of scientific breakthroughs that our scientists achieve. Mr. Chair, I reserve the balance of my time.

Bill Foster, IL

Democrat
“Vote against this amendment. It bans scientists from countries like China and Russia from working at our national labs. We already check these scientists carefully before they work here. Working with them helps our own research and gives us useful contacts in those countries. Even the Trump administration opposed this ban because it hurts American science.”
Official Congressional Record

Mr. Chair, this amendment is unnecessary, and I urge everyone to oppose it. The Department of Energy Laboratories are on to this problem, and they have been on to it for decades. Prior to serving in Congress, I spent over 20 years at Fermi National Accelerator Laboratory, where we had Russian collaborators during the heart of the Cold War. Some of the very first experiments that were done at Fermi National Lab had Russian participants, and we had incredibly competent scientists coming and visiting. It was actually kind of amusing. When you had a group of Russian collaborators, there would be five brilliant scientists and then one guy who was not a very good physicist. He was the KGB guy, and everyone laughed about it. We had this under control. It was also a huge benefit to the United States not only because of the brilliant assistance we had to grow our science program, but also, frankly, as a source of intelligence assets because these brilliant scientists would go back to Russia, and we would maintain interesting communications with them. That is especially important today because China has basically installed the surveillance state. It is very difficult for us to maintain human assets in China, but this is one of the only opportunities that we have to actually develop high-level scientific assets. From that point of view alone, this is a wrong amendment. It is not just me who feels this way. Donald Trump’s Department of Energy opposes this, and I will just read verbatim their comment on it: ``This amendment effectively imposes an outright prohibition on access to DOE national laboratories for all foreign nationals from countries of concern, regardless of their mode of access. While intended to address security concerns, this sweeping restriction will severely disrupt the national laboratory research and development ecosystem and key administration research priorities,’’ from the Trump administration. ``The Office of Science and other DOE lab-stewarded programs have a significant number of international scientists and engineers who serve as employees, users of SC scientific user facilities, or collaborative visitors. These individuals already undergo indices checks and extensive, multi-layered risk mitigation measures prior to receiving Laboratory access. By bypassing these tailored, risk-based protocols in favor of a blanket ban, this amendment will disrupt essential scientific human resources who greatly contribute to domestic scientific competitiveness.’’ Mr. Chair, it is not often that I agree with the Trump administration, but they pretty much nailed that one. This amendment is unnecessary and counterproductive. Mrs. Hinson’s amendment has identified a concern about the impact of foreign nationals from countries like Russia, China, and Iran, but principally China. However, this amendment is just unnecessarily restrictive on our national laboratories. Mr. Chair, I urge my colleagues to join me in opposing this amendment, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Ashley Hinson, IA

Republican
“I want you to vote yes on this amendment. It protects research funded by American taxpayers from our enemies.”
Official Congressional Record

Mr. Chair, while I think we can all agree that collaboration is an essential part of research, especially much of the research happening in our national laboratories, we are at a critical point for our country when it comes to national security and making sure that the investments that American taxpayers are putting into these institutions are protected from our adversaries. Mr. Chair, I urge a ``yes’’ vote on this amendment, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Pat Harrigan, NC

Republican
“I want the House to pass my amendment to ban automated speed cameras on military bases and remove existing ones. These cameras unfairly take money from our troops. They are also a security risk because foreign enemies could hack them to track our military.”
Official Congressional Record

Mr. Chairman, I rise today in strong support of my amendment. This amendment does one thing: It bars the Department of War from buying, installing, or operating automated speed cameras on military installations and requires any that are already in place to be decommissioned within 180 days. These systems are not about safety. They are about revenue. They hand out fines without context, without discretion, and without due process for our servicemembers. We just spent the last few years working hard through the NDAA to increase lower enlisted pay, only to seemingly try to take it away from them. Make no mistake, this is not just a financial risk. It is a security risk. We have seen what happens when camera networks tied to critical infrastructure get compromised. Reporting this year revealed that foreign intelligence services spent years secretly accessing Tehran’s traffic camera network to track the movements of Iran’s top leadership ahead of a strike that killed its Supreme Leader. These network systems are an open door for our adversaries to exploit. To be clear about what this amendment does not do, installation commanders still keep the full authority to enforce speed limits through military police, exactly as they do today. Force protection, access control, and criminal investigation cameras at our facility gates will remain untouched. This amendment targets one narrow thing: automated speed enforcement, and nothing else. Our troops should not be a captive customer base for a ticketing vendor or a soft target for our adversaries. This amendment closes that door while preserving every legitimate tool that a commander needs to keep a base safe. Mr. Chair, I urge my colleagues to support this amendment, and I reserve the balance of my time.

Gilbert Ray Cisneros, Jr., CA

Democrat
“I oppose this amendment. It stops the military from using automated speed cameras on bases. These cameras prevent traffic accidents and protect the families and troops who live and walk there.”
Official Congressional Record

Mr. Chair, I yield myself 1\1/2\ minutes. Mr. Chair, I am going to say, I am pretty baffled by this amendment from my friend and colleague, and I rise in opposition to this amendment. It moves base safety in the wrong direction. Even the Department of Defense opposes this amendment. This amendment would prohibit automated speed enforcement cameras on military installations. To be clear, these cameras aren’t about punishing our troops or their families. They exist to keep bases and military families safe. These cameras keep reckless drivers accountable and have a proven and effective record for reducing traffic accidents and maintaining safe and orderly driving. According to the Federal Highway Administration, speed enforcement cameras have been found to reduce roadway fatalities and injuries by up to 37 percent. I want to remind my colleagues that our military bases aren’t just for troops to work and train. They are home to schools, youth centers, child development centers, playgrounds, and family housing. Junior personnel can’t usually afford vehicles and are usually having to walk around bases. It is imperative that we maintain traffic safety. The servicemembers and families who live and work on these bases deserve every protection we can give them, and that must be part of this conversation. I have not heard one shred of data and not one credible argument that this amendment makes our installations safer. Mr. Chair, I urge my colleagues to oppose this amendment, and I reserve the balance of my time.

Pat Harrigan, NC

Republican
“I want you to support this amendment. Speed cameras on military bases unfairly cost junior troops money. Military police already enforce the speed limits. Also, the computer network these cameras would use is not secure from our enemies.”
Official Congressional Record

Mr. Chair, I appreciate my colleague from California’s concern about overall base safety. I think if we step back and actually look at the big picture here, what we are talking about is simply a tax on our lower enlisted personnel. We have military police to enforce safety standards that are already issued by the base commanders across every installation that we have. At the end of the day, we cannot deny that NIPRNet has been compromised by over 90 percent of our most serious and significant adversaries--the exact same net that these speed cameras would live on. I think that is a significant concern for the safety and security of our installation personnel and the operations that are ongoing on our installations. For that reason, I encourage my colleagues to strongly support this amendment. Mr. Chair, I yield back the balance of my time.

Gilbert Ray Cisneros, Jr., CA

Democrat
“Vote no on this amendment. It bans speed cameras on military bases, but car crashes are a top killer of service members. Base leaders need these cameras to keep people safe on the road.”
Official Congressional Record

Mr. Chair, I appreciate my colleague’s argument there, but if the Department of Defense can’t maintain the cybersecurity cameras on our own installations, then we have a lot bigger problems. The truth is that vehicle accidents are one of the leading causes of death for our servicemembers. Why are we even debating this? We should be debating amendments that rein in this administration’s reckless conduct on this Iran war or its reckless spending in the Middle East. Instead, my colleagues would rather discuss speed cameras. The fact is, this amendment restrains the Secretary’s ability to allocate security and law enforcement resources to address traffic safety. Prohibiting the use of speed cameras also undermines an installation commander’s ability to deploy the appropriate resources to effectively meet the traffic and public safety needs of the installation. Mr. Chair, I urge my colleagues to oppose this reckless amendment, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Vince Fong, CA

Republican
“I want the House to pass my three amendments to the defense bill. They support military bases in my district. One requires an update on the cause of the recent B-52 plane crash. Another requires a study on health and safety resources at Edwards Air Force Base. The third requires a study on connecting supersonic airspace for military and civilian testing.”
Official Congressional Record

Mr. Chair, I rise today in support of my amendments to the fiscal year 2027 National Defense Authorization Act. Nowhere is this legislation more critical than in California’s 20th Congressional District, home to Edwards Air Force Base, the Naval Air Weapons Station China Lake, Naval Air Station Lemoore, and the Mojave Air and Space Port. I am honored to offer three amendments that support our installations today. First, amendment No. 136 honors the eight heroes lost in the tragic B-52 crash at Edwards Air Force Base last month. It directs the Department of War to brief Congress on the cause of the accident. These brave individuals sacrificed their lives so that we can live in peace and freedom. Their commitment and dedication will never be forgotten. Second, amendment No. 137 directs a comprehensive study of medical and safety resources at Edwards Air Force Base. Edwards is located in a remote area of our State that is critical for the test work that is performed. I want to ensure that the military members, civilians, and contractors serving at the base have access to the health and safety resources needed to advance their mission. Third, amendment No. 135 directs a study of supersonic airspace connectivity between the R-2508 Airspace Complex, which includes China Lake, Edwards Air Force Base, and Fort Irwin, and connects to the Point Mugu Sea Range. These ranges encompass over 56,000 square miles of world-class testing capacity. Combined with the civilian capabilities of Mojave Air and Space Port and NASA Armstrong, my amendment will help better integrate supersonic airspace connectivity and would expand test capabilities for both military and commercial aerospace, keeping America at the cutting edge of defense innovation. These amendments help ensure our defense installations have the resources, the safety, and the airspace they need to continue leading the way. I urge my colleagues to support them.

Michael T. McCaul, TX

Republican
“I want the House to pass this amendment. It helps veterans get access to a medicine called ibogaine in clinical trials. This treatment helps heal brain injuries, stops drug addiction, and prevents veterans from killing themselves.”
Official Congressional Record

Mr. Chair, I thank our chairman for his great work on this National Defense Authorization Act. As always, he has delivered. Mr. Chair, every day our Nation loses 17 veterans to suicide. These are men and women who survived combat but then lost to a quiet and longer war against the invisible wounds that they carried with them. Since the disastrous withdrawal from Afghanistan, many of them are asking: Was it worth it? Well, we are providing a solution to that problem here today. I thank my colleague, Mr. Luttrell, for his service as a Navy SEAL and also for introducing this amendment to increase veterans’ access to ibogaine. I know personally how much this means to our Nation’s heroes because I have talked to them, the Special Operations Association, to people, veterans across this Nation who are clamoring for a solution to their problem, and we have one. They should not have to travel to Mexico to receive this treatment. Countless vets have told me that they were going to give this one shot before they committed suicide. They went down. They experienced ibogaine, and they came back cured. Stanford University did a study on 30 veterans with TBI and PTSD, verified through MRI brain scans, where it was demonstrated that ibogaine actually regenerated brain tissue and helped them get over their addiction to opioids and resolve their PTSD and TBI. This needs to be available in the United States of America now in clinical trials to our veterans. My home State of Texas passed legislation to provide clinical trials to veterans for ibogaine. I thank my former Governor, Rick Perry, and Mr. Bryan Hubbard, Americans for Ibogaine, for leading this effort. I thank Morgan Luttrell and Marcus, his brother, who we all know from the ``Lone Survivor’’ story. Ibogaine saved their lives, and we have heard the testimony from them about the effectiveness of this medicine. It is time, Mr. Chair, to make this medicine available to our veterans here in the United States at our VA clinics across the Nation. This amendment--and I thank the chairman for supporting it--will take us to that point where we can now save their lives, where they don’t have to worry about suicide and they don’t have to be on 30 medications, for God sakes, to treat their addiction, to treat their PTSD when we know we have a medicine that works. The evidence, the data, and the Stanford study are all there to save their lives. I urge my colleagues to vote for this measure. Again, I thank all my colleagues, including the chairman and Morgan Luttrell for their support. I thank the Energy and Commerce Committee for their work to bring all of this to the floor, not only today but in future legislation. I also thank the heroes, those who have served this country in harm’s way, those who have put their lives at risk who are suffering from these diseases today for their service. We owe it to them to pass this legislation.

Robert P. Bresnahan, Jr., PA

Republican
“I want the House to pass this measure. It urges the President to give the Medal of Honor to Colonel Bob Graham. He saved hundreds of American lives during a battle in the Vietnam War.”
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Official Congressional Record

Mr. Chairman, I rise in strong support of this en bloc, which includes an amendment that calls on the President to award the Medal of Honor to Colonel Bob Graham of Nuangola, Pennsylvania. On May 1, 1966, at the height of Operation Birmingham in the Vietnam war, then-Captain Graham flew his battle-damaged F-100 Super Sabre through monsoon weather to reach American troops surrounded by 4,000 enemy soldiers. He made more than 15 low-level attack passes under heavy artillery fire, knowing full well he may not survive. He not only survived, but destroyed eight enemy gun positions, neutralized over 1,500 enemy troops, and broke the back of that assault, saving hundreds of American lives. Colonel Graham flew over 500 combat missions across four tours in Vietnam and served this country faithfully for 26 years. He already earned the Silver Star for his heroic actions that day. However, it is past time that we recognize his actions went above and beyond the call of duty. I urge my colleagues to support this and finally give Colonel Graham the recognition he has long since earned.

J. French Hill, AR

Republican
“I want the House to pass this amendment. It lets the Arkansas National Guard and the Army Reserve swap land and buildings at Camp Robinson for free. Both groups already agreed to this, and it will put their facilities to better use.”
Official Congressional Record

Mr. Chair, I rise in support of Amendment No. 158. Amendment No. 158 is extremely important to the Arkansas National Guard. That is why I am grateful to have the support of my Arkansas colleagues, Rep. Steve Womack and Rep. Rick Crawford. This amendment supports the Arkansas National Guard by seeking to codify the proposed land exchange between the Arkansas National Guard and the U.S. Army Reserve on Camp Robinson in North Little Rock. Currently, there is a strategic mismatch in facility use for the Arkansas National Guard and the USAR on Camp Robinson. The land exchange will include a two-star division headquarters at Camp Pike, currently occupied by a drilling unit with minimal full-time staff, a unit whose needs would be far better served by an armory. The second is the Chappell Armory in Arkansas, which was built for traditional drilling units but currently operates as a full-time headquarters. Amendment No. 158 seeks a no-cost land exchange between the Arkansas National Guard and USAR. This would result in a mutually beneficial outcome and ensure better stewardship of taxpayer dollars. The Arkansas National Guard and the U.S. Army Reserve support the conveyance. I am pleased that there has been a signed a Memorandum of Agreement (MOA) between Brigadier General Bridges of the Arkansas Guard and Brigadier General Cook of the Army Reserves. Amendment No. 158 directly relates to the signed MOA, and it ensures the necessary continuity and stability for the proposed land exchange. I urge my colleagues to support this amendment.

J. French Hill, AR

Republican
“I want the House to support my amendment. It requires a study on how well the military shares cyber threat information with local leaders, tribes, and private companies. This will help us better protect our vital infrastructure from online attacks.”
Official Congressional Record

Mr. Chair, I rise to speak in support of Amendment No. 156. My amendment directs the Government Accountability Office (GAO) to conduct a review of the quality and effectiveness of the Department of Defense’s cyber intelligence sharing with state, local, Tribal, territorial, and private-sector partners. I drafted this amendment with the Arkansas National Guard to ensure we analyze cyber information sharing to learn how to stop and mitigate cyber threats for homeland defense. As you may know, the National Guard is uniquely positioned by its capabilities, geography, and manpower to add resilience to integrated critical infrastructure dependencies. That is why it is critical for the GAO to conduct this review, as it can inform and better unify efforts among federal partners, state-level defenders, and other critical stakeholders to ensure faster warning, mitigation, incident response, and better defense of our critical infrastructure. This amendment is extremely important to central Arkansas and the Arkansas National Guard. It is also extremely important to our national security and cyber health. I urge my colleagues to support Amendment No. 156. The Acting CHAIR (Mr. Thompson of Pennsylvania). The question is on the amendments en bloc offered by the gentleman from Alabama (Mr. Rogers). The en bloc amendments were agreed to.

Warren Davidson, OH

Republican
“I support this amendment to extend the Defense Production Act for five more years. This law helps American manufacturing, protects supply chains, and makes sure our military has the supplies it needs.”
Official Congressional Record

Mr. Chairman, I rise today in support of Chairman Hill’s amendment to extend the Defense Production Act for an additional 5 years. For decades, the Defense Production Act has served as an important national security tool. It has continually provided the flexibility to strengthen our industrial base, respond to emergencies, and ensure the United States has resources it needs to meet national security threats at home and abroad. The Defense Production Act helps keep our supply chains secure, strengthens manufacturing in the United States, and ensures that our servicemembers have the support they need to defend our Nation. At a time when our adversaries are investing heavily in new technologies and strengthening their own industrial and defense capabilities, we cannot afford to fall behind. Earlier this Congress, the House Financial Services Committee unanimously advanced bipartisan legislation to reauthorize and modernize the Defense Production Act. I was proud to sponsor that legislation. This reflects a shared understanding that a strong defense industrial base is essential to America’s national security and to our economic resilience. Congress has a responsibility to provide our servicemembers with the resources and support they need to accomplish their mission safely and effectively, and we must ensure there is no gap in essential provisions. While I am disappointed that this House is not considering the full bipartisan reauthorization of our standalone bill, I do believe it is essential that we provide certainty to our own economy, to our defense industrial base, and to the manufacturers and processors to help keep America secure. This is what a clean, 5-year extension achieves. Mr. Chair, I urge all of our colleagues to support this amendment.

Glenn Thompson, PA

Republican
“I want to pass my amendment. It keeps the partnership between the military and Scouting America going, which helps train future leaders and recruit them into our armed forces.”
Official Congressional Record

Mr. Chair, I rise today to recognize my amendment No. 297 in the National Defense Authorization Act of 2027, which ensures the Department of War and Scouting America remains in a partnership. For more than 116 years, Scouting America has endeavored to develop young Americans into leaders of tomorrow through service, physical activities, and community projects. Scouting helps instill a drive in young people to carry out their duty to God and country, understand the principles of the American social, economic, and governmental systems, and take pride in their American heritage, while being prepared to lead their communities. With more than one million participants who have contributed more than seven million service hours in 2024 alone, Scouts know how to build stronger communities and how to lead people. Scouting America believes--and through over a century of experience, knows--that helping youth is a key to building a more conscientious, responsible, and productive society. I am grateful for the longstanding partnership between Scouting America and the Department of War. I can think of no better recruitment tool for our military than the lessons learned through Scouting. Scouts are known as leaders within their communities, and approximately 15 percent of all military academy cadets and midshipmen across U.S. service academies are Eagle Scouts. Mr. Chair, this historic partnership between Scouting America and the Department of War is a relationship that strengthens our country and ensures our best and brightest become leaders of tomorrow.

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