“I want to punish Russia, but I oppose giving Donald Trump the power to create new tariffs in this bill. His tariffs raise prices for American families, hurt our allies, and harm small businesses. I urge the Senate to vote for my amendment to remove these tariff powers from the bill.”

“Mr. President, I fully support taking tougher action against Russia. They have waged a deadly, years long war on Ukraine, and the United States must do more to tighten the screws on the Putin war machine. So I am fully in favor of strong sanctions, but this bill, despite its title, is not just a sanctions bill; it gives Donald Trump massive new tariff authority that he will use to threaten our trading partners and raise prices on the American people. I believe Senators will come to deeply regret voting to give Donald Trump this tariff authority. This bill gives Trump so much discretion that he can ultimately decide what countries to tariff or what countries to exempt. He can modify tariffs at his will. Over the last year and a half, Americans have seen what Donald Trump will do with unchecked tariff authority. They have seen his tariffs raise prices for Americans and their families on everything from food, to housing, to health care. Americans have seen small businesses and family farms shut down because they cannot afford massive new taxes on machinery and merchandise. The Trump tariffs go on again and off again, disrupting supply chains and making it difficult for businesses to plan, invest, and hire. Our allies, including Canada and the EU, openly question the reliability of our nation and are looking to other countries for more stable trade relationships. As Trump turns the tariff dial up and down to punish or reward countries as he likes, the process ends up being a corrupt taxing of the American people to settle Trump’s personal political scores. If Congress passes this bill with these tariffs, Members will be condoning the tariff chaos of the last year and a half and inviting more. This bill gives Trump clear authority to put tariffs up to 100 percent on the goods Americans buy from major trading partners around the globe. That includes 100 percent tariffs on things like food, medicine, machinery, and electronics. Congress would even be letting Trump put tariffs on allies like Hungary, Slovakia, France, Belgium, and Japan. Donald Trump can pick and choose even more countries to tariff every 180 days. That is because there is no mechanism in this bill--none whatsoever--for Congress to roll back the Trump tariffs. Trump can increase or decrease tariffs just by notifying the Congress of his decision. He is not going to be constrained by any kind of paperwork or rules. Colleagues, this body has been fighting tooth and nail to stop Trump from abusing the laws already on the books. Trump has shown us repeatedly he won’t be limited by the spirit of the law. He will use any loophole to slap tariffs on our allies and make life more expensive for Americans. The Trump tariffs are now raising prices, hurting our alliances, and opening the door to corruption. This bill will further increase the cost of living for American families when they are struggling. To all of my colleagues who have said ``Look, we want to hold down the cost of living; we want to make life more affordable’’: this is not going to do that. This is going to increase the cost of living for Americans as we go into the next few months. It would be a nightmare for the Americans who want to see their government tackle the affordability crisis. It would be a dangerous mistake to sign our names on a blank check that gives Trump even more power to indiscriminately use these tariffs. So I urge my colleagues this morning to support the Paul-Wyden amendment, which would strike this new tariff authority. It would make sure that we are not giving Trump power to tax our constituents for the things they buy from trading partners around the world. There is no need to include this new tariff in the bill, and the fact that the White House won’t support the bill without new tariff powers should scare every Senator in this room. Trump has shown over the last year and a half that he can’t be trusted with unilateral power on tariffs. Everything he has done suggests that he is going to abuse this power, and I urge my colleagues this morning to vote yes on the Paul-Wyden amendment to prevent this body from handing Donald Trump a new tool for inflation and corruption. I yield the floor.”

“I oppose this bill. It sets new tariffs that will raise costs for Americans who are already struggling to pay for food, gas, and rent. Once this passes, Congress will not have the power to change or fix these tariffs.”

“Mr. President, very briefly. My colleague has hit a number of key points. To close, I just want to make a couple of points. The American people who are following this debate I am sure think that stuff can be corrected, stuff can be changed. And the reality is under this particular bill, Congress has no authority to modify this deeply flawed piece of legislation. So the reality is in the next few months when we have got folks who are walking an economic tightrope here in America, balancing the food bill against the fuel bill and the fuel bill against the rent bill and the like, they are going to come to their elected officials and say: I am getting pounded by these new tariffs. I am just getting hit by an economic wrecking ball. Do something about it. Under this legislation, Congress cannot, you know, modify this bill’s tariffs. It is just not possible. So what we are going to have to do is make sure that the American people get some additional attention in other areas of the economy because under this legislation and under these tariffs, they are going to get hit by an economic wrecking ball. It is an unforced error that doesn’t have to happen. I yield the floor.”

• Vague
  ?

  Speech in the House

  Clarity 36 of 100

  Much of this statement used imprecise wording, lacked details on timing or responsibility, or made broad claims without support.

  See full analysis →

“I want the Senate to pass this bill to put harsh sanctions and taxes on Russia. It cuts off the money funding Russia's war in Ukraine by penalizing anyone who buys Russian oil and gas or helps Russia dodge our rules. The late Senator Lindsey Graham worked with me on this bill to help Ukraine and stop Russian aggression.”

“Mr. President, shortly, we will vote on the Russia sanctions bill as we have come to call it. I want to begin by thanking my colleagues for their overwhelming support for this measure, and in particular to thank Senators Shaheen, Britt, Wicker, Risch, Coons, Whitehouse, Durbin, and, of course, Senators Schumer and Thune. Their help has been invaluable as we reach this important moment. Last week, with President Zelenskyy watching from the Gallery, this body sent a powerful message to Vladimir Putin and all who are supporting him with funding for his vicious, bloodthirsty, illegal war against the brave, free people of Ukraine. Today, President Zelenskyy is watching from Ukraine, and Putin is watching from Moscow. I would like to think that Lindsey Graham is watching too. And I know how proud he would be of his sister today who has taken his place on the floor and has been such a profoundly strong and effective advocate for this bill. Today, we say to the people of Ukraine: You are not alone. And we say to Vladimir Putin: You will not conquer Ukraine. You will not defeat these free, brave people who are turning tides against your bloodthirsty aggression. Nearly 2 years ago, Lindsey Graham and I began working on this bill, but really the journey began with our first trip to Ukraine together some 4 years ago. Robert Frost once said when he was asked how he began his poems, he said: Our journey toward this bill began with a lump in our throats and tears in our eyes when we visited Bucha, not long after the Russians were pushed out of that small town just kilometers away from President Zelenskyy’s bunker, which we also visited on that trip just weeks after Ukraine succeeded in pushing them out. We saw the mass grave where Putin’s military shot innocent women and children in the back of their heads. We talked to Ukrainian troops who lost limbs, loved ones who lost sons and daughters, fathers and mothers. We talked to children who were kidnapped by Putin, literally abducted and placed in education camps. And on one of those long train rides--we took six or seven trips into Ukraine together--we began thinking about this bill to impose scorching, sledgehammer sanctions and tariffs on Russia to stop the flow of money fueling Putin’s war machine, money that was essential to his slaughterous aggression against Ukraine. And like one of those trains, the journey to this bill was filled with a lot of bumps, a lot of stops and starts, and through it all what sustained us, as much as anything, was Senator Graham’s overwhelming sense of optimism, his sense of humor, his belief in freedom and democracy, his belief in America. And so this bill is a tribute to him. We disagreed about many issues, he and I, and I could be on the receiving end of his anger, as well as his praise. But the partnership that we forged, I think is a lesson without exaggerating it to perhaps the people of America that, yes, we can work together and accomplish good things for the world. One of Senator Graham’s final acts as a Member of this body was to reach an accord with the White House on our behalf and secure the President’s support. He died literally the next day. I spoke to him shortly before his death, and I know as well as anyone that this Chamber--this body--will not be the same without him. We miss him, and this bill named in his honor carries on the work that he believed was so important. It will impose scorching sanctions on the Russia war machine and the shadow fleet that sustains it. It will prevent critical resources from flowing to the Kremlin’s coffers. It will authorize the President to impose duties and penalties on the largest purchases of Russian crude oil and natural gas--punishing the profiteers for buying discounted energy products and pushing them to decrease purchases. It is a powerful deterrent against complicity in Putin’s illegal war. And it provides a powerful pressure point in stopping buyers of Russian oil and gas from continuing to provide the essential fuel for that war machine. It will give the administration the tools it needs to punish anyone who aids Russia as they continue to evade United States sanctions and promote stronger, stricter enforcement of those sanctions. For years, countries have been allowed to permit bad actors to broker deals and support the shadow fleet’s movement all around the world. They have become fabulously rich, while preaching the need for peace. These countries will be exposed as facilitating evasion of sanctions, and it will help us end the war. The goal is peace. We have the power to help end this war, and we cannot stand idly as a young, democratic nation desperately fights for its survival against a murderous dictator. We know from history, appeasement is a failed hope, and hope is not a strategy. We cannot appease Putin in the hope that he will abandon his imperialist ambitions because history shows that he will not. And his ambition doesn’t end in Donbas or Luhansk. It reaches deep into Europe, and it threatens our national security and our allies’ security. Yes, we need our allies, and they have stepped up to aid Ukraine in this war. Appeasing Putin is a disservice to the brave men and women of our military who are defending our freedom all around the globe because it puts them in greater risk if Putin thinks he can move against our NATO allies, and then we will be required to put our sons and daughters in harm’s way. For 4 years, Ukraine has refused to bow to Putin’s will. They have beaten back wave after wave after wave of Russian attacks. Our military gave them maybe a few weeks, in 2022, to survive Putin’s onslaught. They pushed the Russians back in those weeks after the first wave of assault, and they have continued a brilliant campaign of using new technology that has amazed and awed the world, including our own military, which is learning from Ukraine about the use of drones and other unmanned weapons platforms. Their ingenuity and determination are awe inspiring, even as their stockpiles of interceptors and other air defense run dry. And we must provide the kind of military defense aid--the interceptors, the PAC- 3s--or the Patriot system--or the THAAD platforms that are essential to defend the Ukrainian people who are enduring--night after night after night--missiles and drones killing civilians, aimed at schools, hospitals, malls, civilian targets. Putin not only abducts children, he kills them in their beds as they sleep with missiles and drones that are aimed purposely at civilian targets to terrorize and intimidate the people of Ukraine, but they will not yield. And today, they continue to stand as a beacon of hope and liberty, shining against the darkness. Today, we cannot provide all that military aid that they need, but we can take this step--a step to stand with the people of Ukraine and show that their fight is our fight. I would like to close with some brilliant, rhetorical flourish, but I would rather just recall some of Senator Graham’s last words to me. He said: This is a big effing deal. We all did good. Decorum prevents me on the Senate floor from saying what he actually said, but I would like to say--looking across the Chamber where he sat--that he is with us today and that he will be proud of what we are doing. I yield the floor. The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Justice). The Senator from New Hampshire.”

• Little substance
  ?

  Speech in the House

  Signal 39 of 100

  Much of this statement went to praise, blame, greetings, routine procedure or general stories rather than reasons, requests or specific points.

  See full analysis →

“I support this bill to sanction Russia and Iran, and I oppose the Paul-Wyden amendment. The bill uses tariffs to stop countries from buying Russian oil and gas, which pays for the war in Ukraine. The amendment would weaken our ability to pressure those countries. We must pass the bill now to cut off Russia's war money.”

“Mr. President, I am so pleased to come to the floor this morning to join Senator Blumenthal, one of the sponsors of this legislation, to remember Senator Lindsey Graham and to thank everyone who has worked so hard on this legislation: the Lindsey O. Graham Sanctioning Russia and Iran Act. And I so appreciate Darline Graham’s being here and her support for this. So I am here to support the underlying bill, but I also am here to oppose the Paul-Wyden amendment. Now, I understand the concern of some of my colleagues on tariffs. I share those. I co-led an amicus brief, challenging the President’s illegal use of IEEPA to impose tariffs, and appreciated Senator Wyden’s partnership on that. That argument prevailed at the Supreme Court. I also oppose any abuse of the tariff authorities that are currently on the books. But the authority in this bill to impose tariffs is very narrowly scoped, and it contains clear guardrails. It explicitly says that the only countries that can be subject to tariffs are the top five purchasers of oil or gas--the top five--and the top five sanctions evaders for Russian oil. So if we are going to be successful at putting pressure on that we need to put pressure on to get Vladimir Putin to the table, we have got to shut down the money that he is getting from oil and gas, and that is what this bill would do. These tariffs have one purpose: to make it more costly for countries to keep buying the Russian energy that funds Putin’s war. This amendment does not restore Congress’ constitutional authority over trade, which listening to the authors, you might question. And if this amendment is adopted, President Trump’s existing tariff authorities remain exactly where they are today. The only thing that would change would be our ability to put pressure on countries that are still buying Russian energy. So I oppose this amendment. I urge my colleagues to oppose it as well. And I think one of the critical issues here is the urgency of where we are in this war right now. The momentum is on Ukraine’s side. This is Russia’s worst summer of the war yet, but we know the situation can change quickly against Ukraine. China is supporting Russia’s efforts to regain battlefield advantage by helping the Russians develop their own version of Starlink, one of the things President Zelenskyy raised a concern about the last time Senator Graham and I had a chance to meet with him in Ankara at the NATO summit. According to President Zelenskyy, that technology that China is working on can be available as early as November. That would advance Russia’s drone technology to catch up with Ukraine. The battlefield could look significantly different in the next 6 to 12 months, and that could roll back Ukraine’s advantages. Now is the time to put more pressure on Putin. This legislation, if it is advanced before the August recess, will be ahead of Russia’s upcoming elections. They hold their legislative elections in mid- September. After that, Putin is likely to be required to change conscription in response to the severe shortage of recruits because they are losing 35,000 Russians a month. Advancing the legislation ahead of Russia’s upcoming elections will increase pressure on Putin to seriously revisit prospects for a peace deal. And make no mistake: Russia is watching what we do. We have the history of this war to show that every time the United States backs away from putting pressure on Russia, from helping Ukraine, from funding the war, Russia ramps up its attacks in Ukraine. It kills more civilians. And that is where we are. If we can’t shut down the funding for the war machine that Russia is using against Ukraine, then they are going to keep at it. We have to show the determination that the United States feels to support this emerging democracy that Senator Blumenthal was so eloquent to talk about. So that is why there is real urgency for what we are doing today, not just to pass this underlying sanctions bill but to make sure that the tariffs that are funding Russia’s war machine can shut down the oil and gas that is keeping that war machine going. So I hope all of my colleagues will oppose this amendment and support the underlying bill. I yield the floor.”