MEMBER OF CONGRESS

Robert C. "Bobby" Scott

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Bobby Scott, a Virginia Democrat, splits his time between legislation tied to his district, such as reauthorizing NOAA’s Chesapeake Bay programs, and opposition to Republican bills on higher education and budget matters. In debate he tends to answer something other than the question under consideration: when opposing an anti-boycott bill, he spends much of his time charging that Republicans have been silent about anti-Semitism elsewhere rather than engaging the bill’s text, and on the budget he attacks a previously passed bill rather than the resolution before the House. He frequently assigns blame to the other side, asserting that colleagues ‘have not told the President to stop’ or ‘were also silent,’ and often frames his arguments around his party’s priorities over the administration’s. His strongest moments come when he lays out specific, reasoned objections, as when he distinguishes student expression from university policy and notes that no American university has adopted the boycott policy a bill targets, and his district legislation is backed with concrete figures and named programs. He supports his positions with outside statements from allied groups and relies on Democratic talking points where they exist, rarely venturing far from party lines.Written by AI from their statements. Updated .

Average grade
A–
88 / 100 over 6 statements
Signal 88 / 100
Relevance 82 / 100
Reasoning 85 / 100
Respect Not scored yet
Clarity 96 / 100
Averaged over the 6 of 7 statements graded so far.

In their own words

Loses points more than most for

Loses points less than most for Praise, blame or attack with no claim, reason or ask in it.Less often than most members.What the tags mean

Statements 7

House of Representatives ·

Chesapeake Bay Watershed Advancement for Training, Education, Restoration, and Science (Waters) Act

“I want the House to pass this bill. The Chesapeake Bay supports thousands of jobs, billions of dollars in business, and good outdoor recreation. This bill keeps funding the government office that protects the bay and officially authorizes a program that teaches students about it.”
Official Congressional Record

Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentlewoman for yielding. I rise in support of my legislation, H.R. 6893, the Chesapeake Bay Watershed Advancement for Training, Education, Restoration, and Science, the WATERS Act. The Chesapeake Bay is a natural treasure and a critical resource for the millions of Americans who live within its watershed, including my constituents in Hampton Roads. The Chesapeake Bay’s fisheries sustain the region’s centuries-old fisheries and seafood industry, which generates about $8 billion in economic activity every year. The bay’s unparalleled recreational opportunities not only support tens of thousands of jobs and generate more than $14 billion annually, but are also critical to the well-being and happiness of all that live throughout the watershed. The Federal Government has helped our efforts to restore and protect the bay by devoting the resources and staff of multiple departments and agencies, including NOAA’s Chesapeake Bay Office. This office provides scientific and technical support to government, industry, and nonprofits with the goal of advancing strategies that improve the health of the Chesapeake Bay. This is an effort that has been going on for decades. We are making slow but steady progress. Among its many responsibilities, NOAA’s Chesapeake Bay Office manages the Chesapeake Bay Interpretive Buoy System that provides researchers and watermen with near real-time data on weather and water quality conditions. The Chesapeake Bay Office also oversees the Chesapeake Bay Watershed Education and Training, or B-WET, program. This competitive grant program supports environmental education opportunities throughout the watershed that not only teach students about the bay but also connect them to it through experiential programming. The Chesapeake Bay Waters Act reauthorizes NOAA’s Chesapeake Bay Office. This ensures the agency can continue supporting the goals of the Chesapeake Bay Watershed Agreement and restoring the Chesapeake Bay. My bill also authorizes the Chesapeake B-WET program for the first time in its history, ensuring that future generations can continue to engage with the Chesapeake Bay. I thank my fellow co-leads, Virginia Representatives Wittman and Kiggans and Maryland Representative Elfreth, for their support of this legislation. I thank Chairman Westerman and Ranking Member Huffman for their leadership in getting this bill to the House floor. Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to vote ``yes’’ on the bill.

House of Representatives ·

Protect Economic and Academic Freedom Act of 2026

“I am asking for a recorded vote on this bill.”
Official Congressional Record

Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays. The yeas and nays were ordered. The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--yeas 237, nays 169, not voting 27, as follows: Mr. VEASEY changed his vote from ``yea’’ to ``nay.’’ Ms. WASSERMAN SCHULTZ changed her vote from ``nay’’ to ``yea.’’ So the bill was passed. The result of the vote was announced as above recorded. A motion to reconsider was laid on the table. Stated for:

“I want the House to vote against this bill. No American college has officially boycotted Israel. A student or teacher sharing an opinion is not the same as an official college policy. We should stop people from treating Jewish people badly, but we should not violate free speech to do it.”
  • Speech on a bill

    Reasoning 100 of 100

    This statement drew 3 conclusions and gave a reason for each one.

    See full analysis
Official Congressional Record

Mr. Speaker, I will close by returning to the central point: that we must distinguish between student or faculty expression in university policy. A student organization or individual faculty member supporting BDS is not the same thing as the university administration adopting BDS as policy. A faculty member expressing a political opinion is not the same thing as the institution imposing a boycott. Importantly, we have yet to see a single American college or university adopting BDS in the way the bill suggests. Furthermore, we know the bill is intended to target the BDS movement. Yet it is not clear whether a school that even joined the BDS movement would be covered by the text of the bill. The bill implicates ``nonexpressive boycotts’’ as the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Castro) just pointed out. If it is expressive, it is protected by the First Amendment. BDS by its very nature is designed to express disapproval of the actions of the State of Israel. If a college or university came out and publicly said it was joining BDS, most people would agree that that announcement and any activity that flowed from it would clearly be expressive, and therefore, out of the scope of the bill. As an expressive activity, the statement would be protected under the First Amendment, and therefore, the First Amendment would protect the funding from being removed. But, again, no college or university has embraced the BDS movement anyway. We should combat anti-Semitism wherever it occurs, but we should not do so by punishing protected speech or conflating students’ views with university policies. For those reasons I urge a ``no’’ vote, and I yield back the balance of my time.

“I am sharing a statement from a teachers union that opposes this bill. They say it harms academic freedom, student safety, and access to college.”
Official Congressional Record

Mr. Speaker, I also include in the Record a statement from the American Federation of Teachers which says in part: ``The AFT has long fought for academic freedom, the safety and dignity of all students and educators, and policies that keep higher education accessible. H.R. 4795 undermines those goals rather than advancing them.’’

“I oppose this bill. It hurts free speech and academic freedom by punishing colleges that boycott Israel or its settlements.”
Official Congressional Record

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time for the purpose of closing. Mr. Speaker, I include in the Record a statement from J Street, which says in part: ``This means infringing on constitutionally protected free speech and academic freedom by penalizing institutions (and thereby unrelated research) for participation in certain boycott or divestment efforts targeted at Israel or Israeli settlements. There is a fundamental distinction between the State of Israel and the territory that it occupies over the Green Line, and penalizing universities for expressing their opposition to activities that further annexation sets a dangerous precedent.’’

“I want members to vote against this bill. No American college is boycotting Israel, so this bill tries to fix a problem that does not exist. It also threatens free speech and academic freedom.”
Official Congressional Record

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Speaker, today, we find ourselves here, again, purportedly to address anti-Semitism in American higher education. While we should be able to agree that there is no place in higher education for anti- Semitism, the fact is my colleagues on the other side have been curiously quiet, or selectively quiet, about addressing anti-Semitism when it actually does occur. Recall when President Trump declared that there were fine people on both sides when a bunch of White supremacists and their Unite the Right rally marched on the University of Virginia’s campus chanting: ``Jews will not replace us.’’ My colleagues on the other side were also silent as numerous reports regarding chapters of the College Republicans openly promoted their hated of Jewish people among other groups. All the while this has been going on, my colleagues have not told the President to stop firing lawyers at the Office for Civil Rights of the Department of Education, the agency responsible for investigating claims of anti-Semitism in education. My colleagues on the other side of the aisle are certainly mum about how this administration is dismissing Title VI disparate impact analysis, the very tool necessary to address practices and policies that may appear facially neutral but, in fact, discriminate against protected classes under the law. I have not heard them comment on the whistleblower allegations, and many investigations into anti-Semitism on college campuses, led by the Department of Justice’s Anti-Semitism Task Force, were based not on fact patterns or legal analysis but political priorities. With that said, we have the bill before us, the so-called Protect Economic and Academic Freedom Act, which would amend the Higher Education Act by imposing new conditions on colleges and universities that receive higher education funding. Under the bill, institutions receiving Title IV Federal student aid would be legally required to certify that they are not engaged in a nonexpressive commercial boycott of Israel. I will begin with an important distinction: there is a difference between actions, or views of students, or even recognized student organizations and the official policy of the colleges and universities they attend. Students have the right to express their political views, but that does not mean that their university has adopted those views, such as the Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions, or BDS, movement. We have yet to see a single college or university in the United States adopt the BDS movement or institutional boycott policies contemplated in the bill. Simply put, the bill does not address any ongoing or existing higher education policy boycotting Israel. Nonetheless, this would create new Federal requirements intended to prevent institutions from adopting such policies in the future. Moreover, as we examine the bill, Members should be careful to consider how these Federal requirements would operate in practice, the potential of negative effect on institutions receiving Federal funds, and whether the bill is misusing the power that we have from the Constitution’s Spending Clause to illegally sanction First Amendment- protected speech, particularly those of students. As written, the bill presents serious First Amendment problems and improperly limits academic freedom. I had hoped these problems could have been resolved before we got to the floor, but they weren’t, so I will be opposing the bill. For these reasons, I ask Members to vote ``no,’’ and I reserve the balance of my time.

House of Representatives ·

Concurrent Resolution on the Budget for Fiscal Year 2027

“I oppose this budget resolution. Everyday costs are already too high. This plan cuts food, healthcare, and education to spend more money on debt and war instead of helping working families.”
Official Congressional Record

Mr. Chairman, prices are already too high for groceries, housing, healthcare, childcare, and other everyday expenses. However, instead of focusing on lowering costs for working families, the Trump administration and my colleagues on the other side of the aisle are presenting this resolution which will continue policies which have actually made things worse. With the passage of their big, ugly bill, they cut healthcare, food assistance, and education funding all while adding $4.7 trillion to the national debt, and now they want to add another $95 billion to the debt to continue waging an endless war. We have a choice. We can invest in working families and ensure that people have access to food, Medicare, Medicaid, daycare, and education, but my colleagues instead are choosing an endless war. That is the wrong choice. Mr. Chair, we should, therefore, oppose this resolution.